रविवार, 19 अप्रैल 2015

CM absolute Mamata Banerjee has to romp home with thumping win! Democracy Lost. Elections?No it is walkover! Violence unabated.Free for ruling RiGGING. Kolaka witnesses yet another Blood Bathing! Media tried its best to put RSS on top and it failed miserably.In Kurukshetra Kolkata,Lotus bloomed almost nowhere.A resurgent Left only resisted the wrath and venom of absolute power! Palash Biswas


CM absolute Mamata Banerjee has to romp home with thumping win! Democracy Lost.

Elections?No it is walkover! Violence unabated.Free for ruling RiGGING. Kolaka witnesses yet another Blood Bathing!
Media tried its best to put RSS on top and it failed miserably.In Kurukshetra Kolkata,Lotus bloomed almost nowhere.A resurgent Left only resisted the wrath and venom of absolute power!


Palash Biswas
Media tried its best to put RSS on top and it failed miserably.In Kurukshetra Kolkata,Lotus bloomed almost nowhere.A resurgent Left only resisted the wrath and venom of absolute power!
Mamata Banerjee has to romp home with thumping win as Democracy Lost.

আজকালের প্রতিবেদন: শনিবার কলকাতা পুরসভা নির্বাচনে কোনও বড় ঘটনা ঘটেনি বলে জানিয়ে দিলেন মুখ্যমন্ত্রী মমতা ব্যানার্জি৷‌ এদিন সন্ধেয় মমতা যান সি এম আর আই হাসপাতালে গুলিবিদ্ধ এ এস আই জগন্নাথ মণ্ডলকে দেখতে৷‌ সেখানে তিনি সাংবাদিকদের বলেন, প্রচণ্ড গরম উপেক্ষা করে শাম্তিপূর্ণভাবে মানুষ ভোট দিয়েছে৷‌ ১৪৪টি ওয়ার্ডের মধ্যে কয়েকটি ছোটখাটো ঘটনা ঘটেছে৷‌ পুলিস সঙ্গে সঙ্গে ব্যবস্হা নিয়েছে৷‌ ভোটের সময় পুলিস ভাল কাজ করেছে৷‌ মমতা বলেন, রাজনৈতিক বিরোধ থাকতে পারে, তা বলে রাজনৈতিক উত্তেজনা ছড়ানো ঠিক নয়৷‌ তিনি জানান, হাসপাতালে ভর্তি এ এস আই এখন সুস্হ আছেন৷‌ তাঁর চিকিৎসা চলছে৷‌ চিকিৎসকরাই তাঁর ব্যাপারে সিদ্ধাম্ত নেবেন৷‌
Here it is.
Claims and counter-claims in a stormy day
  • Site where bomb is hurled
The Communist Party of India (Marxist) on Saturday adopted a resolution accusing the Mamata Banerjee-led Trinamool Congress of indulging in "massive rigging" of the Kolkata Municipal Corporation election.
The election to KMC witnessed yet another round of massive rigging by the ruling Trinamool Congress which mobilised "goondas" from different parts of West Bengal, as per the resolution passed at CPI(M)'s ongoing 21st National Congress here in Andhra Pradesh.
"The West Bengal State Election Commission with all the machinery at its command has remained a silent spectator to the chaos being spread by the ruling party. It has even expressed its helplessness in public," the resolution said. The voters are threatened not to go to polling stations and are prevented from doing so by the ruling party members, it claimed. Incidents of sporadic violence were reported during voting, which is viewed as a "semi-final" to West Bengal Assembly elections due next year.
On the other hand, West Bengal Chief Minister and Trinamool Congress supremo Mamata Banerjee described election to the Kolkata Municipal Corporation as by and large peaceful. "Today's voting was a peaceful one. I'm telling this only after the elections are over," Banerjee told reporters, after visiting the injured Kolkata Police sub-inspector at a city hospital this evening.
"Voting was held at 144 wards of the Kolkata Municipal Corporation...There were a few stray incidents at four-five places which were immediately taken care of by the police, for which I thank them," Banerjee said. She appealed to the opposition parties not to "incite unrest for the sake of political gain which would become a reason of trouble for the common man".
Describing the condition of the injured SI as "stable", the chief minister went on to praise him for "good record" in the service. "There was a scuffle at Girish Park where our SI Jagannath Mondal was hit by a bullet on his back. Doctors have seen him and they will take a decision on when to operate him for his injury...Thank God that he is okay. I wish speedy recovery of his," Banerjee said.




আজকালের প্রতিবেদন: কার্যত ফাঁকা মাঠেই যেন কলকাতা পুরসভার ভোট করল শাসকদল৷‌ ভোট শেষে তৃণমূলের নেতা, নেত্রী, কর্মীরা যথেষ্ট খুশি৷‌ খোদ মুখ্যমন্ত্রী মমতা বন্দ্যোপাধ্যায় এদিন দুপুরে নিজে ভোট দিতে গিয়ে দু'আঙুল তুলে সাংবাদিকদের 'ভি'রি' চিহ্ন দেখান৷‌ কর্মীরাও সকলেই মনে করছেন, তাঁরা খুব সহজেই ফের কলকাতা পুরসভার দখল নিতে চলেছেন৷‌ লড়াইয়ের ময়দান কেন এক তরফা হল? রাজনৈতিক মহলে তা নিয়ে বিভিন্ন মত৷‌ শাসকদলের বিশ্লেষণ, তাদের সঙ্গে সমান তালে লড়াই করবার ক্ষমতা কোনও বিরোধীদের নেই৷‌ কলকাতার মানুষ সামগ্রিক উন্নয়নের কাজে এবং মমতা ব্যানার্জির প্রতি ভরসার কারণে তাদের এখনও পূর্ণ মাত্রায় সমর্থন করছেন৷‌ বিরোধী দলগুলি সুযোগ নেওয়ার চেষ্টা করেছিল, কিন্তু জমি পায়নি৷‌ মানুষ প্রত্যাখ্যান করেছে৷‌ স্বভাবতই ভোটের দিন লড়াইয়ের ময়দানে তাদের পাওয়া যায়নি৷‌ দলের মহাসচিব পার্থ চট্টোপাধ্যায় ভোট শেষে ঘোষণা করেছেন ঐতিহাসিক, শাম্তিপূর্ণ ভাবে ভোট হয়েছে৷‌ বিরোধীদের বক্তব্য কিন্তু সম্পূর্ণ উল্টো৷‌ সি পি এম, বি জে পি এবং কংগ্রেস বলেছে চরম সন্ত্রাসে ভোট হয়েছে৷‌ মানুষকে ভোট দিতে দেওয়া হয়নি৷‌ বিরোধীদের ওপর আক্রমণ হয়েছে৷‌ পুলিসের কাছে গিয়ে কোনও প্রতিকার পাওয়া যায়নি৷‌ এই ভাবে পেশি শক্তি এবং পুলিস দিয়ে লড়াইয়ের ময়দান ফাঁকা করে শাসকদল ক্ষমতায় আসতে চাইল৷‌ বামফ্রন্ট ২ হাজারটি বুথে পুনর্নির্বাচন চেয়েছে৷‌ নইলে বন‍্ধ ডাকবার হুমকি দিয়েছে তারা৷‌ বি জে পি গোটা ভোটই বাতিল করতে বলেছে৷‌ নতুন করে ভোট হোক কেন্দ্রীয় বাহিনী এনে৷‌ কংগ্রেসের বক্তব্য, নতুন প্রার্থীদের ভয় পেয়ে তৃণমূল সন্ত্রাস করেছে৷‌ নির্বাচন কমিশন কী বলেছে? কমিশনার সুশাম্তরঞ্জন উপাধ্যায় বলেছেন, একাংশের মানুষ ভোট দিতে পারেননি৷‌ শনিবার কলকাতায় আদর্শ পরিবেশ ছিল না৷‌ রাজনৈতিক বিশ্লেষকদের বক্তব্য, সি পি এম নেতারা প্রতিরোধের যে ডাক দিয়েছিলেন, শনিবার তা অনেকাংশেই ব্যর্থ হয়েছে৷‌ বহু জায়গায় মানুষ ভোট দিতে গিয়ে বাধা পেয়েছেন৷‌ কিন্তু তাদের সাহস জোগানোর মতো কেউ পথে ছিল না৷‌ যদিও সি পি এমের রাজ্য সম্পাদক সূর্যকাম্ত মিশ্র বিশাখাপত্তনমে সাংবাদিকদের বলেছেন প্রতিরোধ হয়েছে বলেই আমাদের ৭৫ জন কর্মী আহত হয়েছেন৷‌ তবে শহরে ঘুরে এদিন কিন্তু বি জে পি নেতা, কর্মীদের পথে বিশেষ দেখা যায়নি৷‌ তারা জোড়াসাঁকো, জোড়াবাগান, পোস্তা, বড়বাজারের মতো বিশেষ কয়েকটি পকেটে তাদের জটলা দেখা গেছে৷‌ উত্তর কলকাতার আমহার্স্ট স্ট্রিট, শিয়ালদা ছাড়া কংগ্রেস কর্মীদের চোখে পড়েনি৷‌ ফলে এ-সব জায়গায় শাসকদলের কর্মী, সমর্থকরা নিশ্চিম্তে ভোটের কাজ করেছেন৷‌ শনিবার ভোটকে কেন্দ্র করে শহরে বিক্ষিপ্ত অশাম্তির ঘটনা ঘটেছে৷‌ গুলি চলেছে, বোমা পড়েছে৷‌ পুলিস জখম হয়েছে৷‌ রাজনৈতিক কর্মীরাও আহত হয়ে হাসপাতালে গেছেন৷‌ কিছু ক্যাম্প অফিস ভাঙচুর হয়েছে৷‌ যদিও এ কথা মানতে হবে ভোট শেষে বিরোধীরা যতই সন্ত্রাসের কথা বলুন না কেন, নির্বাচন কমিশনের কাছে কিন্তু ৮০টির মতো অভিযোগ জমা পড়েছে৷‌ বিকেলে কমিশনার সাংবাদিকদের এ খবর জানান৷‌ কলকাতার নগরপাল সুরজিৎ করপুরকায়স্হ বলেছেন, পুলিস নিরপেক্ষ ভাবে পেশাদারি মনোভাব নিয়ে কাজ করেছে৷‌ যথাযথ প্রস্তুতি থাকায় বড় ঘটনা আটকানো গেছে৷‌ ৫৮ জন গ্রেপ্তার হয়েছে৷‌ যদিও বিরোধীরা স্পষ্ট বলেছেন, কলকাতার পুলিস এদিন নির্লজ্জ ভাবে শাসকদলের পক্ষ নিয়ে কাজ করেছে৷‌ দিন শেষে জানা গেছে, ভোট পড়েছে শতকরা ৬২.৪২ শতাংশ৷‌ এক দিকে শাসকদলের দাবি, ভোট হয়েছে শাম্তিপূর্ণ, অন্য দিকে বিরোধীদের অভিযোগ, শুক্রবার রাতেই পাড়ায় পাড়ায় ঘুরে সন্ত্রস্ত করা হয়েছে ভোটারদের৷‌ বহু পাড়া থেকে মানুষ ভোট দিতে পারেননি৷‌ কোথাও কোথাও হাতে কালি লাগিয়ে ভোটারদের বাড়ি ফেরত পাঠিয়ে দেওয়া হয়েছে৷‌ এই চাপা সন্ত্রাস চোখে পড়েনি৷‌ কিন্তু এলাকার মানুষ জানেন৷‌ শাসকদল এই অভিযোগ একেবারে নস্যাৎ করে দিয়েছে৷‌ তাদের বক্তব্য সি পি এম নেতাদের ফাঁকা আওয়াজ, বি জে পি-র লোক দেখানো হইচই সবই এদিন প্রমাণ হয়ে গেল৷‌ এই দুই দলের একজন বড় নেতাকেও পথে দেখা যায়নি৷‌ সংগঠনের দিক থেকে দেউলিয়া হয়ে গেলে এই ধরনের মিথ্যা অপবাদ দেওয়া ছাড়া অন্য কোনও পথ থাকে না৷‌


আজকালের প্রতিবেদন: ভোটের দিন গোলমাল থামাতে গিয়ে গুলিবিদ্ধ হলেন গিরিশ পার্ক থানার গুন্ডাদমন শাখার অফিসার জগন্নাথ মণ্ডল৷‌ তাঁকে রাতে সি এম আর আই হাসপাতালে ভর্তি করা হয়৷‌ গুলিবিদ্ধ পুলিসকর্মী খবর পেয়ে রাতেই হাসপাতালে যান মুখ্যমন্ত্রী মমতা ব্যানার্জি৷‌ সঙ্গে ছিলেন নগরপাল সুরজিৎ করপুরকায়স্হ৷‌ এদিন রাতে ৩ জনকে গ্রেপ্তার করা হয়৷‌ মুখ্যমন্ত্রী বলেন, উনি খুবই ভাল অফিসার৷‌ গিরিশ পার্কের রাজেন্দ্র মল্লিক লেনে দুই রাজনৈতিক দলের মধ্যে গন্ডগোল চলছিল৷‌ বোমা পড়ছে বলে অভিযোগ পায় পুলিস৷‌ থানার সহকারী সাব ইনস্পেক্টরকে সঙ্গে নিয়ে তিনি সেখানে যান৷‌ পৌনে চারটে নাগাদ থানায় খবর আসে তৃণমূল ও কংগ্রেসের কয়েকজন সমর্থক বচসায় জড়িয়ে পড়েছেন, বোমা পড়ছে৷‌ জগন্নাথ মণ্ডল পৌঁছানোর পরই গুলি ছুটে আসে৷‌ তাঁর কাঁধের একটু নিচেই গুলি লাগে৷‌ তৎক্ষণাৎ তিনি সেখানে পড়ে যান৷‌ সঙ্গে সঙ্গে তাঁকে নিয়ে যাওয়া হয় হাসপাতালে৷‌ লালবাজারে নগরপাল সুরজিৎ করপুরকায়স্হ সাংবাদিক বৈঠকে বিকেলে বলেন, গুলিবিদ্ধ হওয়ার খবর পাইনি৷‌ খোঁজ নেব৷‌ পরে তিনি যুগ্ম্মনগরপাল (সদর) রাজীব মিশ্রর কাছ থেকে ঘটনা সম্পর্কে খোঁজখবর নেন৷‌ সাংবাদিক বৈঠকে নগরপাল বলেন, যথাযথ পুলিসি প্রস্তুতি থাকায় পুরভোটে বড় ধরনের কোনও ঘটনা ঘটেনি৷‌ বড় প্রস্তুতি ছিল৷‌ ৩২ হাজার কর্মী ছিলেন৷‌ পদস্হ অফিসারেরাও ছিলেন৷‌ ঘটনার খবর পেলেই পুলিস দ্রুত পৌঁছেছে৷‌ ব্যবস্হা নিয়েছে৷‌ বিচ্ছিন্নভাবে বোমা পড়েছে৷‌ তবে পরস্পরকে লক্ষ্য করে বোমা ছোঁড়া হয়নি৷‌ ৪ হাজার ৭০০-র মতো বুথ ছিল৷‌ কলকাতা পুলিসের ২৮০ বর্গ কিমি এলাকায় ব্যবস্হা নেওয়ায় বড় ঘটনা এড়ানো গেছে৷‌ মোট ৫৮ জনকে গ্রেপ্তার করা হয়েছে৷‌ ১৮টা বোমা উদ্ধার করা হয়েছে৷‌ ১টি পিস্তল পাওয়া গেছে৷‌ পুলিস নিরপেক্ষভাবে, পেশাদারি মনোভাব নিয়ে কাজ করেছে৷‌ ভোট-পরবর্তী কোনও অপ্রীতিকর ঘটনা না ঘটে, সেজন্য ব্যবস্হা রাখা আছে৷‌ দুটি গুলি চালনার ঘটনা ঘটেছে৷‌ একটি জাদুঘরের সামনে৷‌ অন্যটি বাঘাযতীন এলাকায়৷‌ রাজনৈতিক দলগুলোর থেকে অভিযোগ এসেছে৷‌ অভিযোগ পেলেই পুলিস দেখেছে৷‌ রতনবাবু ঘাট, রাজাবাজার, টাকিতে বোমা পড়েছে৷‌ এদিকে গিরিশ পার্কের রাজেন্দ্র মল্লিক লেনে বোমাবাজির ঘটনার খবর পেয়ে জগন্নাথ মণ্ডল নামে এক পুলিসকর্মী যান৷‌ তাঁর গায়ে স‍্প্লিন্টার লাগে৷‌ রটে যায়, তাঁকে লক্ষ্য করে গুলি চালানো হয়েছে৷‌ যুগ্ম্মনগরপাল (সদর) রাজীব মিশ্র বলেন, গায়ে গুলি লেগেছে না বোমার টুকরো, তা দেখা হচ্ছে৷‌ আহত পুলিসকর্মীকে একটি বেসরকারি হাসপাতালে ভর্তি করা হয়েছে৷‌ এদিকে সংবাদ সংগ্রহে গিয়ে একটি বেসরকারি টিভি চ্যানেলের সাংবাদিককে সহকারী কমিশনার সুদীপ্ত নাগ চড় মেরেছেন বলে অভিযোগ৷‌ এ ব্যাপারে নগরপাল জানান, খোঁজ নেব৷‌ প্রয়োজনে ব্যবস্হা নেওয়া হবে৷‌ রাতে জানা গেছে, তার বিরুদ্ধে থানায় এফ আই আর করা হয়েছে৷‌ পুরসভা নির্বাচনে সংবাদমাধ্যমের ওপর আক্রমণে নিন্দা করেছে ক্যালকাটা জার্নালিস্ট ক্লাব৷‌ প্রেস বিবৃতিতে বলা হয়েছে, কমিশনের দেওয়া বৈধ, সচিত্র পরিচয়পত্র থাকা সত্ত্বেও সাংবাদিকদের হুমকির মুখে পড়তে হয়েছে৷‌ অনেক জায়গায় আটকে দেওয়া হয়েছে৷‌ সাংবাদিকরা যাতে স্বাধীনভাবে কাজ করতে পারেন সেদিকে নজর দেওয়ার জন্য প্রশাসনের কাছে দাবি জানানো হয়েছে৷‌
আজকালের প্রতিবেদন: কলকাতা পুরভোটে ২০০০টি বুথে পুনর্নির্বাচনের দাবি জানাল বামফ্রন্ট৷‌ দাবি মানা না হলে ধর্মঘটের হুঁশিয়ারি দিয়েছে ফ্রন্ট৷‌ শনিবার কলকাতা পুরভোট শেষে বামফ্রন্টের জরুরি সভা ডাকা হয়৷‌ ভোটে শাসকদলের সন্ত্রাসের প্রতিবাদে আজ, রবিবার পথে নামছে বামেরা৷‌ পাশাপাশি কাল, সোমবার মিছিলের ডাক দিয়েছে তারা৷‌ এদিন বামফ্রন্টের বৈঠক শেষে সি পি এম রাজ্য দপ্তরে সাংবাদিক বৈঠকের আয়োজন করা হয়েছিল৷‌ সি পি এম নেতা রবীন দেব অভিযোগ করেন, নজিরবিহীন সন্ত্রাস হয়েছে পুরভোটে৷‌ এই ভোট প্রহসনের ভোটে পরিণত হয়েছে৷‌ তিনি বলেন, ২০০০টি বুথে পুনর্নির্বাচনের দাবি জানাচ্ছি৷‌ যারা ভোটে গন্ডগোল পাকিয়েছে, তাদের গ্রেপ্তার করতে হবে৷‌ ২৮ এপ্রিল পর্যম্ত দেখব৷‌ না হলে ধর্মঘটের দিকেও যেতে পারি৷‌ বাংলা বন‍্ধও হতে পারে৷‌ তিনি বলেন, নজিরবিহীন সন্ত্রাস উপেক্ষা করে যাঁরা ভোট দিয়েছেন, তাঁদের অভিনন্দন৷‌ বাম কর্মীরা দাঁতে দাঁত চেপে লড়াই করেছেন৷‌ তাঁদেরও অভিনন্দন জানাচ্ছি৷‌ পুরভোটে শতাধিক কর্মী-সমর্থক আহত হয়েছেন৷‌ আক্রাম্তদের পাশে রয়েছি আমরা৷‌ এদিনের সাংবাদিক বৈঠকে উপস্হিত ছিলেন সি পি এম নেতা রবীন দেব, সুজন চক্রবর্তী, সি পি আই নেতা মঞ্জুকুমার মজুমদার, সি পি এম কলকাতা জেলা সম্পাদক নিরঞ্জন চ্যাটার্জি, ফরওয়ার্ড ব্লকের হাফিজ আলম সইরানি, আর এস পি-র মনোজ ভট্টাচার্য প্রমুখ৷‌ সুজন চক্রবর্তীর দাবি, বহিরাগত দুষ্কৃতীরা ভোট লুট করেছে৷‌ শতাধিক বাম কর্মী আহত৷‌ অনেক মহিলা কর্মী আক্রাম্ত হয়েছেন৷‌ বাম কর্মীরা দাঁতে দাঁত চেপে লড়াই করেছেন৷‌ যুদ্ধ করার মতো মনোভাব নিয়ে তৃণমূলের বহিরাগত দুষ্কৃতীরা নিয়ন্ত্রণের চেষ্টা করেছে ভোটপর্ব৷‌ এদিন রবীন দেব বলেন, এই ভোট প্রহসনের ভোটে পরিণত হয়েছে৷‌ ফলে মানুষের রায়ের সঠিক প্রতিফলন হতে পারে না৷‌ কলকাতা জেলা বামফ্রন্টের আহ্বায়ক দিলীপ সেন, সি পি এম নেতা ফুয়াদ হালিম পুলিসের সামনে আক্রাম্ত হয়েছেন৷‌ দুষ্কৃতীরা পুলিসের লজিস্টিক নিয়ে গোটা কলকাতায় সন্ত্রাস চালিয়েছে৷‌ দুই ২৪ পরগনা, বর্ধমান, হাওড়া থেকে দুষ্কৃতীরা ভিড় জমিয়েছিল পুরভোটে৷‌ রাজ্য নির্বাচন কমিশনার সরকারের হাতের পুতুল হয়ে গেছে৷‌ দুষ্কৃতীদের মদত দিয়েছে তৃণমূল৷‌ নজিরবিহীন সন্ত্রাস হয়েছে কলকাতা পুরভোটে৷‌ রাজ্য নির্বাচন কমিশন তা মেনে নিয়েছে৷‌ তিনি বলেন, বামফ্রন্ট গত পুরভোটে যে ওয়ার্ডে জিতেছিল, ২০১৪ সালে লোকসভা ভোটে এগিয়ে ছিল, সেখানে টার্গেট করে বাধা দেওয়া হয়েছে৷‌ ৬৫টি ওয়ার্ডে গন্ডগোল হয়েছে৷‌ তৃণমূলের হিংস্র, জল্লাদ বাহিনী পুলিসের মদতে সন্ত্রাস চালিয়েছে৷‌ পর্যবেক্ষক, বিশেষ পর্যবেক্ষকদের নির্দিষ্ট অভিযোগ জানানোও হয়েছে৷‌ কলকাতার বুথগুলির একটি বড় অংশে ভোটারদের বাধা দেওয়া হয়েছে৷‌ তাঁর অভিযোগ, ৬৭, ৬৫, ৬০ নম্বর ওয়ার্ড-সহ আরও ওয়ার্ডে পোলিং এজেন্টদের ঢুকতে দেওয়া হয়নি৷‌ প্রিসাইডিং অফিসার ভোটারদের বলেছেন, ভোট দেওয়া হয়ে গেছে৷‌ ২০০০টি বুথে পুনর্নির্বাচন দাবি করছি৷‌ দাবি পূরণ না হলে ধর্মঘটের দিকেও যেতে পারি৷‌ বাংলা বন‍্ধও হতে পারে বলে হুঁশিয়ারি তাঁর৷‌ রবীন দেবের আরও অভিযোগ, নির্বাচন কমিশনের গাফিলতিতে শ্যামল চক্রবর্তী, তাঁর মেয়ে ঊষসী চক্রবর্তী, গৌতম দেবের ছেলে সপ্তর্ষি, বর্ষীয়ান বাম নেতা সাধন গুপ্ত ভোট দিতে পারেননি৷‌
মানুষের একাংশ ভোট দিতে পারেনি: কমিশন

কাকলি মুখোপাধ্যায়

কলকাতার এক অংশের মানুষ ভোট দিতে পারেননি৷‌ শনিবার ভোট শেষে রাজ্য নির্বাচন কমিশনার সুশাম্তরঞ্জন উপাধ্যায় এ কথা বলেছেন৷‌ তিনি বলেন, আদর্শ পরিবেশে ভোট হয়েছে বলতে পারছি না৷‌ যেসব অভিযোগ কমিশনে জমা পড়েছে সেগুলি যদি সত্যি হয় তাহলে তা হবে গণতন্ত্রের পক্ষে বিপজ্জনক৷‌ তবে কোনও বুথে পুনরায় ভোট হবে কিনা তা রিপোর্ট খতিয়ে দেখে সিদ্ধাম্ত নেওয়া হবে৷‌ তিনি জানান, ভোট পড়েছে ৬২.৪২ শতাংশ৷‌ ২০১০ সালের পুরভোটে ভোটের হার ছিল ৬১.৫৮ শতাংশ৷‌ এদিন সকাল থেকেই নির্বাচন কমিশনে বিভিন্ন বিরোধী দল অভিযোগ জানায়৷‌ ওই সময়ে নির্বাচন কমিশনার জনান, শাম্তিপূর্ণভাবে ভোট হচ্ছে৷‌ তবে বিকেলে তাঁর গলায় ছিল একটু ভিন্ন সুর৷‌ তিনি জানান, সকাল থেকে প্রায় ৬৫ থেকে ৭০টি অভিযোগ জমা পড়েছে৷‌ কোথাও বাইরে থেকে লোক এনে ভোট দেওয়া হয়েছে, কোথাও এজেন্টকে তুলে নিয়ে যাওয়ার অভিযোগ এসেছে৷‌ ভাঙর, ডায়মন্ডহারবার, হাওড়া, বালি থেকে বহিরাগত ঢোকানোর অভিযোগ জানিয়েছে বিভিন্ন রাজনৈতিক দলগুলি৷‌ অন্যান অভিযোগের মধ্যে রয়েছে ৮ থেকে ১০টি ই ভি এম খারাপ, দুটো ওয়েব ক্যামেরা ভেঙে দেওয়া৷‌ ভোট দিতে গিয়ে কোনও ভোটার দেখেন তাঁর ভোট ইতিমধ্যে কেউ দিয়ে দিয়েছে, এমনও অভিযোগ এসেছে৷‌ যাদবপুর, পাটুলি-সহ ৫১, ৫৭, ৫৮, ৫৯, ৬৪, ১০২, ১০৭, ১০৪, ১০৯ ওয়ার্ড থেকে প্রচুর অভিযোগ এসেছে৷‌ বুথ দখলের অভিযোগও জমা পড়েছে৷‌ ভোট দিয়ে বেরোনোর পর ভোটের কালি মুছে যাওয়ার অভিযোগ জানিয়েছেন ২২ নম্বর ওয়ার্ডে বাসিন্দা গীতা ভাটিয়া৷‌ এদিন বি জে পি-র পক্ষ থেকে ২০টি অভিযোগ এসেছে৷‌ তবে গুলি চালানোর কোনও অভিযোগ আসেনি বলে জানান নির্বাচন কমিশনার৷‌ তিনি বলেন, যদিও বি জে পি-র পক্ষ থেকে গুলি চালানোর অভিযোগ এসেছে৷‌ কিন্তু কমিশনের কাছে এখনও পর্যম্ত কোনও অভিযোগ নেই৷‌ তবে অবাধ ও সুষ্ঠু ভোট পরিচালনার চেষ্টা করেছি৷‌ এম আর ও, আর ও-রা রিপোর্ট পাঠাতে শুরু করে দিয়েছেন৷‌ সাংবাদিকদের প্রশ্নে কমিশনার জানিয়েছেন, সব ক্ষেত্রে সব জায়গায় যে দুষ্কর্ম হয়েছে তা নয়৷‌ তবে কেন্দ্রীয় বাহিনী আগে থেকে এলাকায় টহল দিলে হয়ত মানুষের ভয় খানিকটা কমত৷‌ কারণ,কলকাতার এক অংশের মানুষ ভোট দিতে পারেননি৷‌ শনিবার ভোট শেষে রাজ্য নির্বাচন কমিশনার সুশাম্তরঞ্জন উপাধ্যায় এ কথা বলেছেন৷‌ তিনি বলেন, আদর্শ পরিবেশে ভোট হয়েছে বলতে পারছি না৷‌ যেসব অভিযোগ কমিশনে জমা পড়েছে সেগুলি যদি সত্যি হয় তাহলে তা হবে গণতন্ত্রের পক্ষে বিপজ্জনক৷‌ তবে কোনও বুথে পুনরায় ভোট হবে কিনা তা রিপোর্ট খতিয়ে দেখে সিদ্ধাম্ত নেওয়া হবে৷‌ তিনি জানান, ভোট পড়েছে ৬২.৪২ শতাংশ৷‌ ২০১০ সালের পুরভোটে ভোটের হার ছিল ৬১.৫৮ শতাংশ৷‌ এদিন সকাল থেকেই নির্বাচন কমিশনে বিভিন্ন বিরোধী দল অভিযোগ জানায়৷‌ ওই সময়ে নির্বাচন কমিশনার জনান, শাম্তিপূর্ণভাবে ভোট হচ্ছে৷‌ তবে বিকেলে তাঁর গলায় ছিল একটু ভিন্ন সুর৷‌ তিনি জানান, সকাল থেকে প্রায় ৬৫ থেকে ৭০টি অভিযোগ জমা পড়েছে৷‌ কোথাও বাইরে থেকে লোক এনে ভোট দেওয়া হয়েছে, কোথাও এজেন্টকে তুলে নিয়ে যাওয়ার অভিযোগ এসেছে৷‌ ভাঙর, ডায়মন্ডহারবার, হাওড়া, বালি থেকে বহিরাগত ঢোকানোর অভিযোগ জানিয়েছে বিভিন্ন রাজনৈতিক দলগুলি৷‌ অন্যান অভিযোগের মধ্যে রয়েছে ৮ থেকে ১০টি ই ভি এম খারাপ, দুটো ওয়েব ক্যামেরা ভেঙে দেওয়া৷‌ ভোট দিতে গিয়ে কোনও ভোটার দেখেন তাঁর ভোট ইতিমধ্যে কেউ দিয়ে দিয়েছে, এমনও অভিযোগ এসেছে৷‌ যাদবপুর, পাটুলি-সহ ৫১, ৫৭, ৫৮, ৫৯, ৬৪, ১০২, ১০৭, ১০৪, ১০৯ ওয়ার্ড থেকে প্রচুর অভিযোগ এসেছে৷‌ বুথ দখলের অভিযোগও জমা পড়েছে৷‌ ভোট দিয়ে বেরোনোর পর ভোটের কালি মুছে যাওয়ার অভিযোগ জানিয়েছেন ২২ নম্বর ওয়ার্ডে বাসিন্দা গীতা ভাটিয়া৷‌ এদিন বি জে পি-র পক্ষ থেকে ২০টি অভিযোগ এসেছে৷‌ তবে গুলি চালানোর কোনও অভিযোগ আসেনি বলে জানান নির্বাচন কমিশনার৷‌ তিনি বলেন, যদিও বি জে পি-র পক্ষ থেকে গুলি চালানোর অভিযোগ এসেছে৷‌ কিন্তু কমিশনের কাছে এখনও পর্যম্ত কোনও অভিযোগ নেই৷‌ তবে অবাধ ও সুষ্ঠু ভোট পরিচালনার চেষ্টা করেছি৷‌ এম আর ও, আর ও-রা রিপোর্ট পাঠাতে শুরু করে দিয়েছেন৷‌ সাংবাদিকদের প্রশ্নে কমিশনার জানিয়েছেন, সব ক্ষেত্রে সব জায়গায় যে দুষ্কর্ম হয়েছে তা নয়৷‌ তবে কেন্দ্রীয় বাহিনী আগে থেকে এলাকায় টহল দিলে হয়ত মানুষের ভয় খানিকটা কমত৷‌ কারণ, ভোটের আগে থেকে বিরোধী দলগুলি ভোটারদের বাড়ি বাড়ি গিয়ে হুমকির অভিযোগও জানিয়েছিলেন৷‌ তার ভিত্তিতে সমন্বয় সাধন করে চলার চেষ্টা করেছে কমিশন৷‌ ভোটের আগে থেকে বিরোধী দলগুলি ভোটারদের বাড়ি বাড়ি গিয়ে হুমকির অভিযোগও জানিয়েছিলেন৷‌ তার ভিত্তিতে সমন্বয় সাধন করে চলার চেষ্টা করেছে কমিশন৷‌



West Bengal: Kolkata Municipal Corporation elections end, record around 60 ...

The Indian Express - ‎21 hours ago‎
The Kolkata municipal polls passed off peacefully without any major disruption on Saturday but was marred by sporadic cases of booth capture, clashes, bombing, threats and intimidations allegedly resorted to mostly by the ruling Trinamool Congress party ...

Kolkata Municipal elections: Violence mars polls, crude bomb hurled near Raj ...

Daily News & Analysis - ‎Apr 18, 2015‎
I have filed a complaint with the West Bengal State Election Commission and the Kolkata Police," said Halim. 1077 candidates are contesting the election in which 38 lakh voters are eligible to exercise their franchise to elect a new KMC board. At present the ...

52% voter turnout in Kolkata civic body elections till 1 pm

Hindu Business Line - ‎Apr 18, 2015‎
Despite reports of widespread violence, polling for the 144-ward Kolkata Municipal Corporation (KMC) on Saturday saw a 52 per cent turnout till 1 p.m. The voting ended at 3 pm. Opposition parties accused the Trinamool Congress (TMC) of resorting to violent ...

Kolkata Municipal Elections: Why the race is only for the second spot

Daily News & Analysis - ‎Apr 17, 2015‎
Post the Lok Sabha elections, there was a perception that BJP can emerge as a major competitor to the ruling party. And what better place to start from than Kolkata, which has a large Hindi speaking population as well. But poor leadership and internal dissent ...

TMC, CPI (M) workers clash during Kolkata Municipal Corporation elections

Daily News & Analysis - ‎Apr 17, 2015‎
Clashes broke out between the workers of the Trinamool Congress and the Communist Party of India (Marxist) during the Kolkata Municipal Corporation elections on Saturday . The violence erupted even as all necessary steps had been taken to ensure ...

KMC elections today, central forces, drones to keep watch

The Indian Express - ‎Apr 17, 2015‎
Three companies of central forces will also be deployed equally in eight divisions of the Kolkata Police area for the purpose. "We have hired a drone from an agency approved by the Election Commission of India. This will be the first time that the SEC will use ...

More violence reported in Kolkata polls

The Hindu - ‎Apr 18, 2015‎
Amidst reports of electoral malpractices, sporadic violence and allegation of intimidation of candidates, about 52 per cent voters exercised their franchise in the Kolkata Municipal Corporation (KMC) Polls held on Saturday till 1 p.m. Voting will continue till 3 ...

Kolkata Municipal Corporation polls: BJP, CPI, Congress furious, Trinamool ...

Financial Express - ‎20 hours ago‎
Kolkata Municipal Corporation, Kolkata Municipal Corporation polls KMC polls, kmc election results, Bharatiya Former West Bengal CM and CPI(M) Politbureau member Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee with his wife Mira Bhattacharjee after casting their vote during ...

City of Joy Kolkata gears up for high-octane civic election

India Today - ‎Apr 16, 2015‎
However, it may not be a cakewalk, with the Opposition parties leaving no stone unturned to reach out to the electorate of Kolkata. Not surprisingly then the campaigning for the civic election has been a high-voltage affair here, with top leaders across the ...

Violence Mars Civic Elections in Kolkata

The New Indian Express - ‎10 hours ago‎
KOLKATA:The elections to the Kolkata Municipal Corporation (KMC) on Saturday witnessed unprecedented violence, with bombs hurled near the Raj Bhavan, a police officer getting shot and several Opposition workers, including candidates as well as ...

Kolkata municipal polls under way amid sporadic violence

The Hindu - ‎Apr 18, 2015‎
Minister Purnendu Bose said that "small incidents are expected in elections in Bengal." "However, we are all aware how Left Front used to conduct elections... But, no big incident has taken place," said Mr. Bose. Kathakali Nandi adds from central Kolkata.

Policeman Shot At in Post-Poll Violence in Kolkata; 'Small Incident', Says ...

NDTV - ‎19 hours ago‎
... Kolkata and at Baghajatin in southern part of the city. "Several complaints of booth jamming and false voting have been filed with the State Election Commission, more than an ideal election should have warranted," Commissioner Ranjan Upadhyay said.

High Stakes Kolkata Municipal Corporation Polls Today

NDTV - ‎Apr 17, 2015‎
There have been poll-related clashes in some pockets of the city in the run up to the elections. At the last minute, there was a request from the state government for Central forces which declined, reportedly because it came too late. Only three companies ...

Kolkata Municipal Polls End, Opposition Alleges Rigging by Trinamool Congress

NDTV - ‎Apr 18, 2015‎
Kolkata: Elections to the Kolkata Municipal Corporation - billed by many as the semi-final ahead of the assembly elections in West Bengal next year - ended today amid reports of sporadic violence, which the Opposition claimed were carried out by Trinamool ...

Campaign for Kolkata Municipal Corporation polls ends

The Hindu - ‎Apr 16, 2015‎
With allegation being traded by the ruling Trinamool Congress (TMC) and Opposition and amidst reports of political violence campaign to the elections of Kolkata Municipal Corporation (KMC) ended here on Thursday. While Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee ...

Mamata Banerjee set to give BJP the blues

Times of India - ‎Apr 17, 2015‎
KOLKATA: The Trinamool Congress may no longer be the favourite in drawing room 'addas' and coffee table sessions. Yet Mamata Banerjee's party is set for a big comeback in the Kolkata municipal corporation elections. The reason: the opposition has failed ...

TMC eyes 115 seats in municipal elections

The Asian Age - ‎Apr 15, 2015‎
Buoyed by four election rallies addressed by chief minister Mamata Banerjee in the past few days, Trinamul Congress is eyeing a tally of 115 seats in the Kolkata Municipal Corporation election which scheduled on Saturday. This was the internal assessment ...

Kolkata municipal elections: Chief Minister hits out at opposition canard

Business Standard - ‎Apr 16, 2015‎
The Trinamool Congress chief was addressing a massive road show in south Kolkata to drum up support for her party's candidates in the civic poll. Hinting at BJP national secretary Siddharth Nath Singh's jibe, 'bhag Mamata bhag, made sometime ago, she ...

Kolkata gears up for civic elections

Deccan Herald - ‎Apr 16, 2015‎
Both surveys also predicted that the Left, trailing behind in successive elections since 2008, is likely to score better than the BJP. While the Nielsen survey gives the Left around 22 seats, the other survey predicts a few less seats. The predictions for BJP, ...

Kolkata Civic Election Campaign Ends, Rupa Hogs Limelight

The New Indian Express - ‎Apr 16, 2015‎
KOLKATA:Even as the campaign for the elections to the Kolkata Municipal Corporation drew to a close on Thursday,it was actor-turned-politico, BJP's Rupali Ganguly, who hogged the limelight. Rupa endeared herself to the voters by leaving the comfort of her ...

TMC & CPI(M) workers clash during KMC elections

Daily Mail - ‎13 hours ago‎
Polling for 144 wards of the Kolkata Municipal Corporation was held amid tight security on Saturday. The election is being considered a virtual semi-final in the run up to the West Bengal Assembly polls, scheduled to be held early next year. According to the ...

Kolkata civic polls today, TMC clear favourite

The Asian Age - ‎Apr 17, 2015‎
CRPF personnel patrol an area on the eve of the municipal elections in Kolkata on Friday. — Abhijit Mukherjee. The city on Friday was geared up for the crucial Kolkata Municipal Corporation election on Saturday. Nearly 37.5 lakh voters will decide the fate of ...

Stray violence mars Kolkata municipal polls

Deccan Herald - ‎16 hours ago‎
While the KMC electoral rolls had names of more than 37 lakh voters, in several parts of the city they claimed they were unable to exercise their franchise owing to false voting. Most of these cases were reported from the southern fringes of the city.

Kolkata civic poll ends with scattered violence, cop shot at

indiablooms - ‎16 hours ago‎
Kolkata, Apr 18 (IBNS): Elections to the high stakes Kolkata Municipal Corporation ended on Saturday amid reports of sporadic violence, including bullet injury of a policeman, even as West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee called the polling 'peaceful'.

TMC men clash with CPI-M activists during Kolkata municipal polls

Hindustan Times - ‎Apr 17, 2015‎
Workers of West Bengal's ruling Trinamool Congress clashed with Communist Party of India-Marxist activists duringelections to the Kolkata Municipal Corporation on Saturday. Polling began amid a torrent of allegations by the opposition of strong arm tactics ...

Campaign for Kolkata Municipal Polls Ends

NDTV - ‎Apr 16, 2015‎
The State Election Commission, which has attracted severe criticism from the opposition parties for sitting on complaints by the opposition, yesterday asked the South 24-Parganas district magistrate and Kolkata Police commissioner to inquire into the alleged ...

KMC polls: Mamata thanks administration, says 'police is man of the match'

Zee News - ‎15 hours ago‎
Kolkata: West Bengal Chief Minister and TMC supremo Mamata Banerjee on Saturday thanked the administration for peaceful conduct of the Kolkata Municipal Corporation (KMC) elections and expressed her gratitude to the people for turning out in large ...

CPI(M) condemns violence in Kolkata civic polls

Hindu Business Line - ‎Apr 18, 2015‎
The CPI(M) here on Saturday passed a resolution at its 21st congress condemning the violence in Kolkata civic polls in which several party workers were wounded. The party accused the ruling Trinamool Congress Party of rigging the elections and advancing ...

60 per cent voting amid violence in Kolkata civic polls

IBNLive - ‎21 hours ago‎
But the Mamata Banerjee led party asserted the elections were peaceful, free and fair. "At 3 p.m., the scheduled close of voting, 59.20 percent polling was registered. The percentage may slightly go up with some of them still in the queues," a West Bengal ...


शनिवार, 18 अप्रैल 2015

हम फिर मई दिवस मनाने की अपील कर रहे हैं। मेहनतकश तबके के हक हकूक की लड़ाई तेज करके ही चूंकि देश बेचो फासिस्ट फरेबी बजरंगियों से देश को बचाने की चुनौती है


हम फिर मई दिवस मनाने की अपील कर रहे हैं।

मेहनतकश तबके के हक हकूक की लड़ाई तेज करके ही चूंकि देश बेचो फासिस्ट फरेबी बजरंगियों से देश को बचाने की चुनौती है

पलाश विश्वास
हम फिर सड़कों,खेतों और बाजारों,कालेजों और विश्वविद्यालयों में मई दिवस मनाने की अपील कर रहे हैं।इस केसरिया कयामती मंजर में मिलियन बिलियनर सत्ता वर्ग से बाहर हर इंसान ,हर औरत की जिंदगी अब वंचित मेहनतकश की जिंदगी है।जितनीजल्दी हम मेहनतकश तबके के साथ अपनी अपनी पहचान खूंटी पर टांगकर लामबंद हो सकेंगे, उतनी ही तेजी से टूटेगा मुक्तबाजारी फासिस्ट जायनी जनसंहारी यह केसरिया हिंदू साम्राज्यवादी तिलिस्म।

मेहनतकश तबके के हक हकूक की लड़ाई तेज करके ही चूंकि देश बेचो फासिस्ट फरेबी बजरंगियों से देश को बचाने की चुनौती है।

हमारे साथ मीडिया नहीं है तो हमें खुद जिंदा मीडिया बनकर जन जागरण का थूफान खड़ा करना होगा।

नगर महानगर कस्बे गांव से परचे निकालकर बुलेटिन छापकर देश भर में मेहनतकश तबके को सच से वाकिफ करना होगा,उनके बीच पहुंचना होगा और उन्हें संगठित करके देश व्यापी आंदोलन शुरु करना होगा।

शुरुआत के लिए दुनियाभर की मेहनतकश तबके के खून से रंगे मई दिवस के अलावा कोई और बेहतर दिन रक्तनदियों के इस देश में हो नहीं सकता।

जो भी पढ़ रहें हों हमारी यह अपील और हमसे सहमते हों तो न केवल हमारी यह अपील वे दसों दिशाओं में प्रसारित  करें बल्कि अपनी अपनी भाषा में स्थानीय हाल हकीकत और मुद्दे जोड़कर अपनी अपील अपना परचा,अपना बुलेटिन छापकर करें तो इस देस में बदलाव का बवंडर मई दिवस से ही उठेगा यकीनन।

जिन बाबासाहेब को हिंदुत्व में समाहित करके भारत की अर्थव्यवस्था से नब्वे फीसद जनता को बहिस्कृत करके मुक्तबाजार के हिसाब से गैरजरुरी जनसंख्या,खासतौर पर विधर्मियों और गैर नस्ली लोगों के नरसंहार का आयोजन हैं,भारत में ब्रिटिश राज के वक्त श्रममंत्री बतौर मेहनतकश तबके के सारे हकहकूक उन्हीं बाबासाहेब के दिये हुए हैं।

श्रमिक संगठनों को वैध बनाया बाबासाहेब ने तो काम के गंटे बी उनने तय किये औरमहिलाओं को मातृत्व अवकाश से लेकर स्थाई नौकरी के कायदे कानून भी उन बाबासाहेब ने बनाये।

बाबासाहेब को केसरिया रंग से पोतकर उन्हें नाथूराम गोडसे बनाने का खेल जो संघ परिवार कर रहा हैै,उसकी बिजनेस फ्रेंडली सरकार ने तमाम श्रम कानूनों को अबाध विदेशी पूंजी निवेश के तहत हजारों हजार ईस्ट कंपनियों के मुनाफे के लिए मेहनतकश तबके को बंधुआ मजदूर बनाने,संपूर्ण निजीकरण और रोजगार के मौकों से वंचित करने और बूखों मारने के लिए सिरे से खत्म कर दिया है।

मिलियनरों बिलियनरों की संसद में श्रम कानूनों का कोई विरोध नहीं हुआ तो मेहनतकश तबके के स्वयंभू रहनुमा लालझंडे के दावेदारों और बाबासाहेब के अनुयायी होने का दावा करने वाले नीले झंडे के पहरुओं के लिए कम से कम मई दिवस से कोई बेहतर दिन नहीं हो सकता कि मेहनतकश तबके के हक हकूक की आवाज नये सिरे से देश भर में एक साथ उटायी जाये।

अभी अभी अमाजेन, फ्लिप कर्ट,स्नैप डील,और अलीबाबा के खुदरा कारोबार दखल कर लेने के बाद ओला कंपनी ने चार अरब डालर की पूंजी देशी विदेशी निवेशकों से बटोरी है कि भारत के खुदरा बाजार से इस देश के कारोबारियों को बेदखल कर दिया जाये।थोक दरों पर किसानों की आत्महत्या खेती और देहात को मेहनतकश तबके में शामिल होकर रोज कुंआ खोदो रोज पानी पिओ की हैसियत में लाकर पटका है।

रोजगार के लिए अब अति दक्ष अति कुशल चुनिंदे लोगों के अलावा मुक्तबाजार के संपूर्ण पीपीपी माडल परमाणु विध्वंस बुलेट विकास में मेकिंग इन में कोई जगह नहीं है।

लिहाजा किसानों और मजदूरोे के अलावा इस देश के बच्चों,छात्रों,महिलाओं का भविष्य भी यही बेहिसाब तेजी से बढ़ती वंचित मेहनतकश दुनिया है।

इस दुनिया को अब हिंदू साम्राज्यवाद के खिलाफ खड़ा ही होना है और मेहनतकश तबके की लड़ाई ,जल जंगल जमीन की लड़ाई से कतई अलहदा नहीं है।

अब पूरे देश को जोड़कर हिंदू साम्राज्यवादी  कारपोरेट केसरिया के खिलाफ तमाम रंगों के इंद्रधनुष बनाकर लड़ने के सिवाय इस मृत्यु उपत्यका से बच निकलने का कोई रास्ता बचा नहीं है।


आपको याद होगा कि हमने पिछले 26 नवंबर को संविधान दिवस मनाने  की अपील की थी।तब देशभर में हमारे साथियों ने संविधान दिवस मनाया।महाराष्ट्र और दूसरे राज्यों में गैर अंबेडकर अनुयायी भी हर साल संविदान दिवस मनाते हैं।

महाराष्ट्र सरकार ने इसे राजकीय उत्सव बना डाला तो वहां बहुजनोंके संगठित होने का मौका हाथ से निकल गया।

संविधान की मसविदा कमेटी के अध्यक्ष बाबासाहेब अंबेडकर हैं और इसलिए देश भर में बहुजन उनकी जयंती,उनके परानिर्वाण दिवस और उनकी दीक्षा तिथि मनाने की रस्म अदायगी की तरह सालों से संविधान दिवसे मनाते रहे हैं।

संविधान और संप्रभुता,स्वतंत्रता और लोकतंत्र का कोई किस्सा इस भावावेग में होता नहीं है।अंबेडकरी आंदोलन केसरिया सुनामी की तरह ही अब तक भावनाओं का कारोबार रहा है और देश के आम लोगों,वंचित बहुजनों,स्त्रियों,बच्चों,किसानों,कर्मचारियों,छात्रों,युवाओं मजदूरों और समूचे मेहनतकश वर्ग के लिए वंचितों के साथ साथ बाबासाहेब की जो आजीवन सक्रियता रही है,उसकी कोई निरंतरता इसीलिए नहीं है।

अंबेडकर के नाम भावनाओं पर आधारित पहचान की राजनीति से न सिर्फ बाबासाहेब के जाति उन्मूलन के एजंडे के विपरीत मनुस्मृति शासन एक तहत बहुजनों का संहार कार्निवाल बन गया है यह केसरिया कारपोरेट मुक्तबाजारी समय,बल्कि इसी आत्मघाती विचलन की वजह से हिंदुत्व सुनामी में सामाहित हैं अंबेडकरी आंदोलन और स्वयं अंबेडकर भी।

हमने हस्तक्षेप पर संघ परिवार के झूठे दावों के खिलाफ बहुजनों और मुसलमानों से खासतौर पर लिखने का खुला न्यौता दिया हुआ है।

मुसलमानों को इसलिए कि उनके खिलाफ बाबासाहेब के हवाले से इस्लाम मुक्त बारत के संघी एजंडा के तहत अभूतपूर्व घृणा अभियान छेड़ दिया गया है और बहुजनों से इसलिए कि वे बाबासाहेब के आंदोलन और विरासत के दावेदार है।

अभी तक इन तबकों से कोई प्रतिक्रिया भी नहीं मिली है।

जैसे कि बहुजन पलक पांवड़े बिछाये हिदुत्व के बव्य राममंदिर में बाबासाहेब की हत्या के बाद बाबासाहेब की स्वर्ण प्रतिमा की प्राण प्रतिष्ठा का इंतजार ही नहीं कर रह कर रहे हैं,बल्कि कतारबद्ध है विष्णु भगवान के नये अवतार  की शास्त्रसम्मत पूजा अर्चना के लिए।

हम फिर मई दिवस मनाने की अपील कर रहे हैं।मेहनतकश तबके के हक हकूक की लड़ाई तेज करके ही चूंकि देश बेचो फासिस्ट फरेबी बजरंगियों से देश को बचाने की चुनौती है।

Modi’s Foriegn Policy-People’s March

Modi's Foriegn Policy-People's March



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Indian Expansionism's Big Power Dreams
-ajith
Nearly a year into its rule, the Modi regime is yet to deliver anything substantial on the so­ called 'economic growth' front –– other than several policy decisions that further open up the country to imperialist plunder. Despite the windfall gain made through the steep fall in crude oil prices, the Central government's finances are still in a bad shape. With their hype on fast ­tracking the economy punctured, Modi's spin­doctors are now trumpeting his foreign policy. The claim is that he has masterfully catapulted India into a prominent position on the world arena through his international moves. Obama's visit as the chief guest at the Republic Day parade took this to a frenzy. Forceful, dynamic, strategic –– the flow of adjectives are torrential. On closer observation, they stand in inverse proportion to actual results.
Modi has indeed taken India into an even closer engagement with the US and its allies Japan and Australia, both of whom are pivotal in the US strategic plan to contain China. Closer ties with Vietnam and Fiji are promoted as a counter­play to China's penetration in South Asia.
But where it really matters for Indian expansionism, in South Asia, it is steadily being pressed by the growing weight of China. Though the Indian rulers once again succeeded in blocking China's entry, it couldn't prevent this issue from becoming a major topic in the November 2014 SAARC summit. Moreover, support for China's membership has gained more adherents. Other than Pakistan, now Sri Lanka and the Maldives argued for it, with Nepal tacitly acceding. China holds out the promise of huge investments, which means fat commissions and they see no reason to forsake it. This was ultimately reflected in the wording of the declaration issued by the SAARC summit of November 2014 which instructed its concerned body to "…to engage the SAARC Observers into productive, demand ­driven and objective project based cooperation in priority areas as identified by the Member States."
India's opposition is increasingly getting isolated as petty obstructionism. Meanwhile, Indian expansionist plans for its greater and quicker economic penetration of South Asia through a Trade Pact continued to be blocked by Pakistan. Several other developments also underline the limits of Modi's initiatives in South Asia. Maldives has for some time now been moving closer to China. The cancellation of a major airport project given to an Indian firm and its replacement by a Chinese infrastructure concern was a landmark of sorts in this trend. It has now been further strengthened by the Maldivian government's decision to endorse the 21st century Maritime Silk Route (MSR) promoted by Chinese expansionism. The MSR visualises development of a sea route from China's Fujian province to the Mediterranean Sea via South Asia and East Africa. It complements the land based Silk Route proposed through Central Asia, linking China to Europe. The Maldivian endorsement of the MSR involves the building of a deep sea port on its northernmost Atoll, which will eventually open up space for Chinese naval activity. Ironically, the Maldivian President Abdulla Yammeen too has announced a 'look East' shift in foreign policy, a shift to closer ties with China. His reasoning was that economic cooperation with China does not challenge Maldives' "Islamic" identity unlike ties with "Western colonial powers".
It is obvious that the real entity he had in mind was India, which had tried to prop up a new power centre in the form of the presidency of Mohamed Nashed, not part of the traditional ruling elite. The Brahmanic Hindutva Sangh Parivar banners of the Modi regime are certainly not going to ease the path of Indian expansionism over there. If Maldives is a new headache for the Indian rulers, Sri Lanka under its former President Mahinda Rajapaksa had become increasingly explicit in servicing of Chinese expansionist interests. The repeated port calls of Chinese submarines in Sri Lanka ignoring Delhi's opposition was big news in the Indian media, accompanied by reports of how the Modi government made its 'strong displeasure' known to Rajapaksa. But there was nothing to show that this mattered to Colombo. The Modi regime will surely be hoping that the new presidency of Maithripala Sirisena will be of help in once again securing its domination. Reports, which are now coming out in the media, indicate that his defection from the Rajapaksa camp and success in stitching up a winning alliance was no sudden development.
It was the product of months long secret consultations among various forces, with the Indian spy agency RAW playing a leading role. The pay off is already seen in the statements made by the new Sri Lankan rulers on 'correcting the imbalance' in foreign relations and the express visit made to Delhi by their new foreign minister. But Sri Lanka's growing relations with China, even at the expense India, was not just some purely Rajapaksa affair. It is rootedt in the interests of the Sri Lankan ruling classes. Despite the change of regime they will continue to try Despite the change of regime they will continue to try to benefit by manoeuvring between Indian and Chinese expansionism.
At the most there may be some move away by the Maithripala government from Rajapaksa's overt tilt to China in order to manoeuvre all the better. China has invested nearly Rs 30,000 crore in that country since 2009 compared to India's Rs 180 crores. Meanwhile, Pakistan has strengthened ties with Russia which delivered advanced weapons to it disregarding the objections of the Indian ruling classes. The recent summit meeting between Putin and Modi has repeated the usual verbiage on the 'strategic partnership' between Russia and India. After the usual condemnations of 'terrorism' their joint statement goes on to state, "The leaders expressed hope that all safe havens and sanctuaries for terrorists will be wiped out without delay and terrorism would be completely eradicated from the common region within a decade." What stands out here is the change in wording compared to last year's statement.
There the targeting of Pakistan was rather obvious –– "… terrorist acts … may have international linkages extending across and beyond the borders. States that provide aid, abetment and shelter for such terrorist activities are themselves as guilty as the actual perpetrators of terrorism." Though India still remains a major market for Russian weaponry and both are members of the BRICS, Moscow is evidently readjusting its relations in South Asia in view of the growing dependence of the Indian rulers on Washington. In the short term there won't be a total re­framing –– India has its geopolitical value for Russian imperialism, not the least as a foil to China. But Pakistan's immediate gain, and the consequent weakening of Indian expansionism's clout, is obvious.
For all the aggressive hard sell of going from 'Look East' to 'Act East' in its pursuit of Indian expansionist interests the Modi regime still remains more or less where the UPA left off. Modi's foreign policy is characterised by some (and criticised by others like the CPM­-CPI revisionists) as a total break from the one followed till now. Deepening ties with Zionist Israel,practically abandoning the Indian state's long standing support to the Palestinian cause, is an often cited example. Its silence during last year's genocide in Gaza surely gave ample evidence. But a meaningful look at India's foreign policy,including its present specificities and nuances, demands a wide angled take.
The striking shift in stance on Palestine is not a purely Modi or BJP impulse. Diplomatic ties with Israel were inaugurated in the early 1990s by the Congress led by Narasimha Rao. They were maintained and nurtured over subsequent decades by Central governments formed or supported by parties from the whole spectrum of parliamentary forces, all the way from the rightist BJP to the so­ called leftist CPM. The continuity in the orientation of India's foreign policy, no matter who rules, is striking. It emerges from the expansionist ambitions of what is essentially a comprador state. Significant shifts in its foreign policy orientation, seen over the six and odd decades of its existence, are well contained within this continuity. Two periods can be distinguished. The first was that of so ­called non­-alignment inaugurated by Jawaharlal Nehru, India's first prime minister. Apparently indicating an independent bearing in foreign affairs it was actually a euphemism for the manoeuvring of the Indian ruling classes in the world arena. Two factors made this possible. The more important of them was the replacement of overt colonialism with indirect rule and domination through neo-­colonialism. The other was the growing contention between the imperialist blocs led by the US and Russia, which emerged as a super power after the restoration of capitalism in the 1950s.
The first of these made non ­alignment a possible option since the legitimacy of neo­ colonialism depended on allowing room for some amount of independent posturing by oppressed countries. Neo­ colonialism after all was itself mainly an imperialist response to the tide of national liberation struggles. It was meant to diffuse them by seeming to accede independence. The second factor, imperialist contention, created space for manoeuvring. But possibility and space didn't automatically translate into 'non­alignment'. It was born from the need of the new rulers of the ex­colonies to actualise and utilise the space of formal independence granted by their neo­colonial existence. Because, even after transferring power to their trusted agents, the colonial powers tried their best to retain as much direct control as possible in the erstwhile colonies. The US was championing 'de­colonisation' with the intent of co­opting nationalist sentiments and serve its aim of edging back the traditional powers and gaining a dominant position.
But it too favoured tight control. Burma, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Military groupings like the CENTO and SEATO were formed for this.Though the containment of the socialist camp and communist movements in oppressed countries were made out to be the reason, the real aim was to lock­-in countries that had now gained formal independence. The 'non­ alignment movement'(NAM) could emerge only by resisting this.In the turbulent post­ 2nd world war period, any opposition to the erstwhile colonial powers and the US quickly acquired a nationalist, progressive political hue. The world situation marked by a rising tide of national liberation struggles aided this. The NAM came to be regarded as the champion of national independence opposed to Western imperialism. But a closer look would show that this was hardly the case. The NAM was not really driven by anti­ imperialism. It was a continuation of the anti­ colonialism of compradors, already seen in political movements led by them in the colonial period; for example, the one led by the Indian National Congress. In the long run, NAM ­style opposition aided imperialist powers since the definition of imperialism was being restricted to colonialism at a time when neo­colonialism was already replacing it in the real world.
Thus, even while there were occasions of sharp contradiction and even conflict (the Goan war) with specific imperialist powers, ties of dependence to Western imperialism and service to it could be well contained in the non­ aligned stance of the Indian state. India, Egypt and Yugoslavia were prominent initiators of the NAM. Among them, India had ties with multiple Western imperialist powers and a fairly sizeable economy they were keen on exploiting. Egypt enjoyed strategic geopolitical importance. Yugoslavia had political value in the contention with the socialist camp. The US backed Yugoslavia against the socialist Soviet Union. In Egypt it stepped in against British and French imperialist aggression when Nasser, the then president of that country, nationalised the Suez Canal. India, under Nehru, allowed it to stage spying sorties over China. Within the Western imperialist camp the NAM thus gave rise to opposing responses. Most saw it as a tool of the socialist camp. Yet there were others too who perceived in it a useful countervail against developments in the Afro­Asian Bandung conference of 1955 where neo­colonial countries joined up with socialist countries and revolutionary China gained prominence. This dimension of the NAM was gradually unravelled with the emergence of a new imperialist bloc, through the rise of Soviet social imperialism. When the relation between the two blocs went from collusion to contention in the early 1970s, the NAM bloomed as an institutional framework eminently suited to neo­ colonialism. Growing contention between the two blocs, led by the US and the Soviet Union, posed the pressing need before the comprador states to ally with one or the other.
They could do this and still retain some manoeuvrability by being part of the NAM. On their part, the super powers could utilise its venues through their proxies and employ the 'independence' rhetoric to accuse each other of domination while continuing to pursue their imperialist agendas and poach on the other's camp. The social imperialist bloc initially enjoyed a bit of an advantage since it was unencumbered by any colonial past. But increasing instances of its aggressive moves, such as the occupation of Afghanistan, soon whittled this down. By the end of the 1970s, military pacts like CENTO and SEATO with an explicit colonial pedigree were winded up while the NAM remained and grew. But now its conferences increasingly, and openly, became another venue of super power contention.
The uniquely neo­colonial characteristic of the non­alignment policy was best demonstrated by Indian expansionism itself when it signed the Soviet social imperialist proposed Defence Treaty of 1972 even while it remained a staunch proponent of the NAM. Despite threats of the US, it could attack and dismember Pakistan by manoeuvring and utilising the national liberation cause of Bangladesh. It seized and forcibly incorporated Sikkim. It gained nuclear weapon capacity. All of these moves strengthened and consolidated Indian expansionism's domination in South Asia. But none of this was given by its strength as an independent power. They became possible within the larger framework of super power contention, under social imperialist protection guaranteed by the Treaty of 1972.
Once non­alignment is located within the broader international frame of imperialist relations, the logic of the shift in foreign policy initiated by the Indian National Congress's Narasimha Rao government in the early 1990s becomes apparent. This was necessitated by the new international situation. The collapse of social imperialism in the early 1990s and the recasting of neo­colonial legitimacy under the aggressive push of globalisation had made non­alignment redundant. Indian expansionist interests could no longer rely on social imperialism. It needed to toady to US imperialism. In hindsight, the grounds for this had already been laid down by Indira Gandhi in the beginning of the 1980s.
Growing political and economic problems weakening Soviet social imperialism had begun to limit its capacity. The Indian ruling classes had to turn to the IMF. Since then, dependence on the US bloc kept on deepening. Though all the appropriate non­aligned gestures and rituals were followed, the tilt to the US in international relations became more and more explicit. Under Rajiv Gandhi, Indian military facilities were offered to refuel US war planes bombing Iraq. It fell to Narasimha Rao to give the crucial push. Quite significantly, this was accompanied by the turn to globalisation, liberalisation and privatisation, abandoning earlier economic policies that gave preference to the public sector and a greater role for the government.
To secure their comprador and expansionist interests the Indian ruling classes had to abandon the policies and structures built up under Nehru, both in the domestic and international realms. Such recasting however posed the threat of tearing off their guise of independence. This was further amplified by the turn in political discourse brought about by imperialist globalisation. For the several decades following the transfer of power in 1947, exposure of imperialism and its control, the role of the IMF and World Bank as neo­colonial institutions and similar issues had been restricted to Maoist forces. It had almost disappeared even from the propaganda of the parliamentary left like the CPM and CPI.
This would change with the global shift to globalisation and the fall of the social imperialist bloc leading to the near total domination of the US. Imperialist dependence and its institutional control became live topics even in parliamentary discourse, with ramifications going well beyond it. Being forced to increasingly expose their subservience to imperialism, each act of the ruling classes was simultaneously acknowledging the correctness of Maoist analysis on the sham nature of India's independence. The attempt to distract public opinion through an aggressive promotion of Brahmanic Hinduism and its chauvinism was useful to the extent of deepening communal polarisation. But it too failed in the matter of salvaging the independence banners of the ruling classes.
In fact, the opportunities obtained by the Sangh Parivar to rule, whether the 13 day spell in 1996 or the full term of the 2nd NDA government, only showed it up as even more subservient to US interests. Since all the parliamentary parties were either in Central or State governments, and all were pushing the imperialist agenda of globalisation, liberalisation and privatisation, none within the ruling class spectrum could step in as saviour. Independence, self­ reliance and the whole package of terminology earlier employed to cover up the reality of a semi­ colonial, semi­feudal existence had to be redefined. The global recasting of neo­colonial legitimacy came in handy. In the second half of the last century marked by liberation struggles and the shift to neo­colonialism, Third world country rulers were remarked for their so­ called independence. In these times of globalisation it is 'growth', measured in GDP, that counts. GDP growth is now the mark of a country's standing.
Self ­reliance, even of a spurious variety funded by foreign aid, is no longer touted as an achievement. Bigger and bigger volumes of foreign capital are no longer seen as detrimental, as a sign of increasing imperialist control. On the contrary, success in economic policy is measured by being able to attract greater shares of foreign capital. This was a way out for the Indian ruling classes who were faced with a challenge to their legitimacy thrown up by the turn of international developments. To this they have added a 'local flavour' –— the projection of Indian expansionism as an aspiring 'super­power'. Growing bigger GDPwise with all that it entailed ­ more foreign capital, even closer dependence to the US ­ was legitimised as inevitable and necessary steps along the road to super­power status. In the early 1990s, when this was being initiated, there could hardly be any talk of status. The Indian rulers were barely pulling on by hocking the country's gold reserves.
But the liberalisation induced GDP growth that clearly emerged in the 2000s, with its visible index given by a flood of modern consumer goods and their imitations (the 'invisible' part was a stupendous widening of income disparities), soon created space for this. Speculations on the Indian economy surpassing the US by the middle of this century and the entry allowed to its rulers in some imperialist clubs were woven into the hyperbole of India emerging as a super­power. Indian foreign policy was recast to suit the new situation. Toadying to the US now became its mainstay. This was legitimised as necessary for the projection of India's self ­avowed status and to counter China.
These were the drivers of Narasimha Rao's 'Look East' policy which sought to build strategic ties with countries in South East Asia. It was also a correction from the pro-­Russian 'non­alignment' period which had limited its engagement with these countries, since they were mainly tied to the US camp. We had earlier noted that Indian foreign policy is determined by the expansionist ambitions of what is essentially a comprador state. This gives it its continuity. The United Front governments that followed Narasimha Rao proved this without fail. His 'Look East' policy was continued and now embellished with what came to be known as the 'Gujral Doctrine'. Named after the late IK Gujral, foreign minister and then prime minister, it addressed relations with countries in the immediate vicinity, those in South Asia (Pakistan excluded). The first of this set of five principles declares that "…with the neighbours like Nepal, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Maldives and Sri Lanka, India does not ask for reciprocity but gives all that it can in good faith and trust." 
It would be instructive to note the resounding echo of these words in Modi's grandiloquent promises of Indian munificence at his Delhi Durbar where all the Heads of State of South Asia were called in to witness his coronation and later repeated at the Kathmandu SAARC Summit. It is even more educative that almost all ruling class political commentators avoided any recollection of such past promises in their haste to establish Modi's stance as a totally new beginning. They have reason for that. The essential logic of Gujral's Doctrine, explained by none other than its author himself in his autobiography, was that "… since we had to face two hostile neighbours in the north and the west, we had to be at 'total peace' with all other immediate neighbours in order to contain Pakistan's and China's influence in the region." (italics added)
The expansionist thrust of good ­neighbourliness couldn't have been put more starkly — the reasoning is not even that of preventing any direct threat to India. It is that of securing what is arrogantly considered their backyard by the Indian ruling classes, by blocking others. Quite understandably, among India's neighbours, there were no takers for Gujral's 'good faith and trust.' Indian expansionism's growing appetite makes it ever more ambitious. Pranab Mukherjee in his earlier avatar as foreign minister had modestly outlined this as one of "expanding circles", starting with South Asia and then moving on to the immediate regions. Other ruling class strategists have termed it as "concentric circles".
The assumption is that securing domination in South Asia and becoming a significant force in surrounding regions will secure a place for them, along with the big imperialist powers, at the global level. Over the years this thinking was given military and economic muscle. The Indian joint command post at Andaman and Nicobar has been built up into a formidable outpost with 15 ships, two naval, four air force and naval air bases and an army brigade. India operates an air base in Tajikistan. Along the northern border, two new army divisions have been deployed and moves are on to raise a mountain strike corp specifically directed against China. The Indian state is a major player in training and supplying the Afghan puppet army built up by the US and its allies. It has established an extensive network of government and quasi­-government offices throughout Afghanistan that multiply the operational capacities of its covert agencies.
India is also a major supplier of weaponry to Vietnam and Myanmar. Through state owned and private corporations it has built up a widespread network in Africa, often competing with Chinese expansionism. It is also actively promoting its presence in South America. There is thus a whole array of strategical and tactical moves with domination over South Asia at the core. The move to the East is an attempt at outflanking China as a counter to its thrusts into South Asia, as well as a step taken to secure this 'core interest' by projecting itself in the surrounding region. This working out of Indian foreign policy has its specific internal expansionist logic. It wouldn't do to ignore this or its continuity from Nehru to Modi and put it merely as a matter of 'India getting trapped in US plans' or 'BJP abandoning India's independent foreign policy' as done by the CPM-­CPI leaders.
Yet, it must also be understood that it has become possible precisely due to the realignment that has taken place in the geopolitics of both these regions, South and South East Asia. This realignment emerged with the collapse of social imperialism and the growth of China's economic and military power. Over the past two decades it has driven up the strategic value of these regions for US imperialism and, consequently, the utility of boosting Indian expansionism. Shaped and promoted over these years, US strategy is now formalised in Obama's 'Pivot to the Asia-­Pacific' also described as 'Rebalance to Asia'.
It demands Indian expansionism to move in step. While the policy of Looking East and moves to actualise it has been standard fare of Indian foreign policy for the past few decades, it couldn't quite get there due to various political compulsions faced by successive governments. Now that the BJP has a clear majority making coalition politics inconsequential and Modi has the backing of almost all sections of the ruling classes, Indian expansionism is going all out to make up for the lost time. Yet, even the slogan popularised by Modi to signify his energetic push, the claim to be 'Acting East' rather than merely 'Looking East', is miserably devoid of all originality. He merely parrots Hillary Clinton. While functioning as Obama's Secretary of State during his first term a few years back she had instructed the Indian rulers "not just to look East but engage East and act East as well.".
There could be nothing more demonstrative than this of how the Modi peg fits the US groove. Or, for that matter, of how the Brahmanic fascist RSS's 'Hindu Rashtravad' (Hindu nationalism) slavishly serves imperialism. The Strategic Vision Statement released during Obama's visit repeats what was said in 2014. Here, the geographical definition of Indo-­US 'strategic vision' – from Africa to East Asia – is of particular interest. It corresponds to the 'expanding circles' strategy of Indian expansionism and marks the position US imperialism has alloted to it. The immediate thrust of their moves is made explicit by pointedly referring to the South China Sea disputes of China and other littoral countries and insisting on "ensuring freedom of navigation and over flight".
China's strategic moves, its Silk Road and Maritime Silk Road, are met with a point to point counter vision — 'regional economic integration' linking South, Southeast, and Central Asia and the US's New Silk Road and India­Pacific Economic Corridor. India's role is also outlined in relation to the existing imperialist alliance forged by the US with Japan. The broad plan of the US envisages building up close political and military co­operation, if not an alliance, of Japan, Australia and India under US tutelage. Several structures are already in place, built up with active participation of previous Indian governments. They include regular joint naval exercises involving forces from these countries and bilateral, multi­lateral consultations.
Pushed on by the US, Modi now wants to make these ties tighter, particularly in the field of defence. Opening up India to a bigger and deeper penetration of Japanese monopoly capital is a high priority. In view of rising tensions between Japan and China, the Indian compradors calculate that a major chunk of Japanese investment can be turned to India. As such, climbing wages in China increasingly make it less attractive to imperialist transnational corporations. This is an important factor underlying Modi's 'Make in India' project. He is quite blatant in promising a skilled, low cost labour force, with the emphasis on the latter. Moves initiated during the previous UPA government to eliminate whatever legal protection workers have against their exploiters are being pursued at the Central level.
All the RSS manned BJP State governments are already in an over­drive to implement this. The Rajasthan government has already done this. What we see here is the nexus between Modi's 'Act East' foreign policy and his economic policies. They share common origins, in the class character of the ruling classes. Almost all of Modi's foreign visits and hosting of foreign leaders fall within the broad alliance parameters set by the US. The elevation of Indo-­Japanese relations to the level of sale and collaboration in manufacture of a four ­engine amphibious aircraft, the Shin Maywa US­2, is significant. Closer integration of India into the US led strategic tie up in the Asia ­Pacific is of course amplified.
Apart from that, by initiating the first ever foreign sale of Japanese armaments and its collaboration in weapon development in another country after the 2nd World War, it signifies a major step forward in the militarisation of Japanese imperialism. Restrictions on military build up by Tokyo was enforced through the Japanese Constitution after the 2nd World War. That Constitution was prepared under US aegis. However, since the past few decades, reversing this restriction has been a top item in the US agenda for the Asia ­Pacific. The US would want Japan (and Australia) to take up a far bigger share of military tasks. The Japanese ruling class is not averse to this. As it is, under the innocuous banner of a Self Defence Force, it has already built up formidable land, sea and air power. The industrial capacities of the country allow it to boost this up quite rapidly, even attaining nuclear weapon capabilities. What stands as a formidable hurdle to any such move is the strong opposition of the Japanese people to militarisation.
The Japanese ruling class consciously utilises its growing contradictions with China to whip up jingoism and thus create public opinion that can weaken and undermine this opposition. Modi has willingly made India a chip in this dirty game. We have seen that domination over South Asia lies at the core of Indian expansionism's foreign policy. Within this, Pakistan, or rather, putting it down, has remained its prime agenda since 1947. Its nuclear weapon capacity makes it a force the Indian rulers simply cannot ignore. Moreover, it enjoys a unique and long­ standing relation with China that goes all the way back to its foundation in 1947. So too is the US­Pak relation. No matter how much the US is keen on pampering Indian expansionist interests it will not let go of Pakistan. It has great geopolitical importance in its scheme.
The intensification of the resistance in Afghanistan that is inevitably going to follow the US camp's withdrawal adds to this. Therefore, the US authorities will publicly scold Pakistani rulers, insist on its taking steps against this or that organisation declared to be 'terrorist', but support and supplies will continue. The Indian ruling classes have continuously tried to reverse this. Other than being comforted with some more harsh words directed against Pakistani rulers they have not made any notable headway. That remains, despite Modi's much touted 'personal chemistry' with Obama. His spin­ doctors have paraded the naming of several organisations held to be 'terrorist' (such as the Lashkar­e­ Tayyiba and Jaish­e­ Mohammad) in the Joint Statement issued during Obama's visit as a major advance in this regard. But this was mere window dressing; these organisations have been named for long by the UN and the US in their ban lists.
All along, with bans and lists in place, the CIA has also been utilising the services of their cadre for its operations. This was exposed in the Hayden case. Despite all the covert and overt co­operation between the two countries, the Indian agencies have not been given access to interrogate him. US relations with Pakistan thus remain a major irritant for the Indian ruling classes. It is even more so for the Brahminic fascist RSS. For this organisation that controls the Modi government, hatred of Muslims, and by extension Pakistan­ bashing, is the central pin, the very organising principle, of its communal chauvinism, of its projected 'Hindu Rashtra'. The RSS has a longstanding orientation of ingratiating the US and getting India integrated in its orbit. For many decades, during the 'non­aligned' or pro-­Russian imperialist period, this was out of sync with the overall orientation of the Indian ruling classes.
The re­orientation in Indian foreign policy brought about by world developments reversed this. It allowed the narrowing down of differences among different sections of the ruling classes. A shift to a pro­-US stance emerged as the consensus.Yet, it is only now, with the Modi government, that the RSS is getting an unhampered opportunity to push its agenda. But, the terms are set by the US which has its own concerns. As we saw, this includes its support to the Pakistani state just as much as it pampers and bolsters Indian expansionism. If the RSS agenda of integrating India in the US orbit as a means to boost its expansionist plans is to advance, the Modi government must bow to the imperatives of US interests. The restraints this imposes on the RSS's core anti-­Muslim, anti-­Pakistan, Brahmanic communal drivers will surely introduce many wobbles in Modi's foreign and home policies. A preview was seen in the reactions to Obama's parting speech. Conveniently forgetting the huge promotion of Islamophobia by the US and the murderous persecution of coloured people under his rule, he took it upon himself to lecture to the audience on India's constitutional guarantee of the right to propagate any religion.
Evidently, he was brandishing the 'human rights' lathi often used by the US to threaten other states and secure its interests. The rash of Brahmanic Hindu fascists attacks on religious minorities, including forcible reconversion, seen over the past few months after Modi came to power gives the US many opportunities to do this. Obama's comments were an arrogant interference in India's internal affairs and it should have been protested. If the Congress or some other party were in power the whole pack of Sangh Parivarists would be opportunistically howling for blood. But nothing of that sort was seen. Instead, its official organ, the 'Organiser', delivered a classic example of the Sangh Parivar's slavish comprador logic: "US understanding of India's religious ethos is definitely not in line with the way we as Indians think of multi­religious society, but the way it thinks will form a centre­piece for those that are looking to invest in India on a long term basis."
The message was clear — in the so-­called Hindu nation they strive to establish, all 'Rashtravadis' (nationalists) had better learn to cosy up to 'the way those looking to invest think'; otherwise the dollars will not come. Well before this writing came out, the BJP's top leadership was already acting out its instructions by using every opportunity to declare their support to secularism. Yet not all are agreed. Some other top members of the Sangh Parivar have come out against Obama's comments, though not as stridently as they would have if they were not in power.
This contradiction is also being utilised in the tugs within the Sangh Parivar and among various sections in the broader Brahmanic Hindu fascist camp. Brahmanism will stoop to any lows to curry favours with those it sees as superior. It is capable of opportunist convolutions and stretching out to contain such contradictions. Even then, some of these hitches could still turn out to be game­ upsetting ones. Another factor to be considered is that of Sino-­US relations and its swings. To get into this we must first assess the BRICS, where India and China are partners. These countries, along with Brazil and South Africa, are still part of the Third world. Yet, they have sizeable big and relatively diversified economies that takes them far ahead of other oppressed nations.
The BRICS expresses a confluence of the common interest of these countries to bargain with the imperialist powers, particularly US imperialism, and of Russian imperialism in boosting its capacity to contend with other imperialists. Following the collapse of Soviet social imperialism the US became the all­ powerful sole super­power. It tried to use this situation to establish what has been described as a 'unipolar world'. This was especially seen in its actions after the attacks on the World Trade Centre, in its 'war on terrorism'. Rather than building up a coalition under its leadership as was the earlier practice, the war on Iraq was prepared and declared on its own. It was arrogantly stated that it would not wait for others, even its allies.
The near total dominance of the US forced the other imperialist powers to tag along, despite their differences and concern at being bypassed in taking such decisions. These acts of the US exposed the UN as an ineffective body. This again was a matter of concern for them and the reactionary rulers who had often found it a useful tool. Therefore, the other imperialist powers as well as major Third World countries like China and India were opposed to US 'unipolar' designs. Developments in the world itself gave them opportunities to realise this. No matter what the US rulers thought, the world was in fact always 'multi-polar' since contention between imperialist countries and contradiction between oppressed peoples and imperialism is a permanent feature of this system.
The multi-polar reality of the imperialist system was soon brought out forcefully through the stiff armed resistance the US had to face in Iraq and Afghanistan. Getting caught up in these wars of aggression started weaking the US. Other imperialist powers, especially Russia, utilised this situation to regain positions and push back the US. A number of new international organisations came up as an expression of the new condition. They include strategic groupings such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO). The deadlock in WTO trade and services pacts has added space, leading to the formation of trade organisations like Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC). Having been forced to back off from its unilateral aggressiveness the US too has joined this business of building up new multilateral institutions.
The BRICS has to be situated within this world context. It of course has its own particularity. For the Indian ruling classes, BRICS serves to retain and create more room for manoeuvring and gaining from inter-­imperialist contentions to the extent possible. In this sense it is similar to the NAM. The NAM was an expression of the emergence and evolution of international relations following the break up of the old colonial order in the post 2nd World War period and its replacement by neo­colonial ties with oppressed nations. Under imperialist globalisation these ties, and the international system of states, have further evolved, providing room for an institution like the BRICS. On the one hand it is overwhelmingly Third world, Russia being the exception.
On the other, its Third world concerns are distinctly different from those of other oppressed countries. For instance, in forums like the WTO, the BRICS have shown that they are perfectly willing to subscribe to harmful imperialist policies where it suits them too in their exploitation of other Third world countries. The BRICS is thus not simply the coincidental materialisation of an acronym coined by somebody. It is a product of contemporary international relations.
All of its Third world participants have a common stake in securing and expanding the position and space they have arrived at. Yet, among them, China is in a different league. It has a decisive, determining position, if anything because of its economic clout. In the present world, without China, such an institution cannot persist. For the Indian ruling classes, that is something unpalatable but unavoidable too. The BRICS thus becomes another space for its contention with China. Here Modi and his team think that they can play a clever game — use the US connection to contain China and use BRICS to get better deals from the US. Therefore, foreign minister Bushman Swart flew off to Beijing as soon as the Obama visit was over.
The Indian ruling classes are adept at this game. They played it with some benefit during the period of contention between the US and the erstwhile Soviet camps. But what are its prospects in the present world? The US rulers have for several years promised to do all they can to see India into the UN Security Council. They regularly acknowledge it as an important player at the global level. This puffs up Indian expansionism. Membership in the extended G­8 grouping, the G­20, was celebrated by the Indian ruling classes as an acknowledgement of their 'arrival'. There is some truth in this. However, as we just saw, though India is in a different position in comparison to most other Third world countries, it is nowhere near China, economically and militarily.
This gives that country a political weight far beyond that of the Indian state. It places it in a category superior to that of India in US foreign relations. The US is keen on bolstering Indian expansionism precisely because it needs it to keep China in check. For the US, the main determinant in the Asia­-Pacific is its relations with China, not India. Therefore, the parameters of its relations with India are determined by this overarching concern. In effect, this means that the Indian state is secondary in the US ordering of priorities. Evidently that offends the Indian rulers with their quite inflated view of where they have 'arrived' in world relations. But there is nothing they can do about it. Though India has great strategic geopolitical value for US imperialism, it is not of the same degree as it was for Soviet social imperialism in the past.
Then India was a crucial element for social imperialism in contending with the US camp and threatening socialist China. Today India is only a supplementary element, strategic but not the key factor, in the US game plan for the Asia­ Pacific, where it has several time­ tested allies and lackeys. So what does this imply for Modi's foreign policy? The Modi government is in an overdrive to satisfy the political, military and economic demands of the US in the expectation of being granted the status of a world power, of getting total support for Indian expansionist interests (particularly in South Asia and at the expense of Pakistan). His home and foreign policies serve this aim. Some gestures may be expected from the US, but it will be far less than what is being dreamt off.
Moreover, rather than creating more manoeuvring room for the Indian ruling classes, they are being drawn into tighter and tighter dependent relations with the US. This has horrendous consequences for the country. Already, the poverty of the people is being utilised to entice our youth to slave in military camps of US occupation troops in Iraq and Afghanistan and build their defence infrastructure. Such undeclared service in US military moves will soon become open participation, making our people cannon fodder for imperialist aggression. Modi had changed drug licensing policies to suit MNCs before he went off to meet Obama last year. Now he has bowed down to the demands of US nuclear plant manufacturers to absolve them of all liability in case of accidents in any power plant built with their technology. More can be expected as the poisonous buds of Modi's policies bloom.